HOW MASCULINE ANXIETIES FUEL SUPPORT FOR THE FAR RIGHT

Reading time: 6 minutes

So much ink has been spilled about whether economic populism is about race or class that the powerful gender dynamics are often ignored. They shouldn’t be. Trump embodies a truculent form of “protest” masculinity that’s deeply resonant in an era of widespread economic anxiety. Ceding that powerful rhetoric to the far right is unwise. The only effective antidote to claims of masculinity are competing claims of masculinity; read on.

DO’S AND DON’TS FOR BRIDGING THE DIPLOMA DIVIDE

DON’TS

1. Don’t underestimate the role of macho in the far right’s appeal – to women as well as men. Endorsement of hegemonic masculinity (aka macho) predicts Trump voting in both men and women—and it predicts positive evaluations of Trump even more than racism. Hegemonic masculinity reflects the ideal that men should be mentally, physically, and emotionally strong, tough and in control: thus Trump brags about the size of his nuclear button, proclaims “domination” over COVID, mocks as weak men who wear masks or change diapers. In case you missed the message, Trump plays the song “Macho Man” at his rallies. “Men should be men; women should be women” sexism (aka hostile sexism) was second only to political orientation in predicting support for Trump, for both men and women; support for hostile sexism is higher among working-class white women than women college grads. White women’s votes for Trump were powerfully influenced by beliefs that men are better suited emotionally for politics than women (although women of color’s votes were not).

2. Don’t underestimate the appeal of the “bad but bold” strains of masculinity Trump taps. The bad-but-bold strain of masculinity (aka “boys will be boys”) excuses men’s bad behavior on the grounds that they are designed for dominance. Trump’s taps that, along with age-old understandings of virility as a way of using sexual domination of women to negotiate a status hierarchy among men; hence the bragging about his sexual harassment and prowess and belittling the prowess of his opponents. Trump constructs his insults and belittling of women and disabled people as courage in taking on “political correctness” in the face of elites who seek to silence red-blooded men who want to tell it like it is; this ties into blue-collar men’s preferred style of talk, which associates straightforwardness with personal integrity. Fox News connects emotionally with the “NASCAR audience” by using a blue-collar confrontative style and masculinist personalities like Bill O’Reilly, Sean Hannity and Tucker Carlson.

3. Don’t underestimate how threats to masculinity fuel support for Trump. Non-elite men of all races often display a hyper-masculine ethos as a way of claiming dignity in the face of their feelings of marginalization and the “hidden injuries of class.” Politics is one arena in which men enact their masculine identities through the endorsement of politicians, parties and policies that appear tough, strong, and forceful. Precarious manhood – a worry that one is insufficiently masculine – predicted Republican voting for Trump in 2016 and for Republicans in the 2018 midterms. When men’s identity is threatened, men are more likely to express support for war, homophobic attitudes, and interest in buying an SUV. Current economic conditions are threatening to many men in the fragile and failing middle class, given the centrality of the provider role to most men’s identities. “I felt like a man again,” said a Pennsylvania toll collector after he got a new job following a period of unemployment. “I voted for my boyfriend’s job,” said a white working-class woman.

4. Don’t underestimate the appeal of Trump and the far right for men, particularly those who have floundered in today’s economy. In 2016, 76% of white noncollege males voted for Trump, followed by 70% in 2020, making them Trump’s biggest supporters in both election years. Though Trump support decreased among white noncollege voters in 2020, that decrease was more than offset by increased support from voters of color. Noncollege voters of color supported Biden 10% less than they had supported Clinton in 2016. And Biden underperformed Clinton by 10% with Black men, and by 8% with Latino men. Men derailed by unemployment, anxiety and substance abuse may find Trump’s truculent and misogynistic masculinity enticing and affirming.

5. Don’t underestimate the role of masculinity in attracting working-class men to the far right. Republicans tend to endorse the view that the US has grown too soft and feminine across the board, regardless of class or gender. Working-class Democratic men tend to agree, but other Democrats disagree (i.e. college grads and working-class women). The view that the US has grown too soft largely accounts for the gender gap in support for Donald Trump in 2016 (one of the largest gender gaps in modern American history).

6. Don’t underestimate how important masculine dignity is to men: opposition to COVID safety measures shows men are willing to die for it. Men who endorse traditional masculinity are less likely to consistently wear COVID masks, and 1.5 times less likely to wear them than women. Why? “It’s submission, it’s muzzling yourself, it looks weak, especially for men.” The same pattern can be seen with vaccine resistance. Playing it safe by getting the vaccine contradicts the masculine mandate to “show no weakness.” Defying experts’ warnings and embracing danger signals, ‘I’m a tough guy, bring it on.’ Thus Trump used masculinist metaphors to oppose shutdowns: “We have to be warriors. We can’t keep our country closed down for years.”

7. Don’t fail to recognize the relationship of fracking bans and masculinity. The far right uses use fracking in particular, and fossil fuels in general, “as a proxy for masculine labor at large and positioning Democrats as aligned with the forces of feminization and culture and in work.”

DO’s

1. Use competing ideals of masculinity. Elections are no place to try to resculpt people’s gender identities. The far right has found masculinities that work for them; the only effective response is to use competing ideals of masculinity. For an example from Republicans, see #2 below. For an example from Democrats, read here.

2. Is this how your dad raised you? The Lincoln Project released an ad titled “Men,” narrated by Sam Elliott, “the quintessential Hollywood cowboy,” saying: “Our dads weren’t perfect, but they did their best to raise us to be good, to be honorable, to be men of family and faith. But above all, they taught us to own up to it when we did something wrong.” Did your dad raise you to be a sore loser? To brag about grabbing women by the pussy? Tell lies only to expect impunity? Do we want our children to have people like Donald Trump as role models?

3.  Counter “the real man” with “the good man.” A classic classroom exercise asks people for adjectives defining the “real man”; then for adjectives describing the “good man.” Opponents’ need to hold Trump and his allies up to widely shared ideals of the good man.